We had some of that golden evening light tonight just after house meeting. The kind that makes you think maybe an apocalypse is just over the horizon. That the mountains are on fire. That the gods are angry. This Saturday I went for a long bike ride up to the Peak to Peak highway with Amy from Picklebric. At the Sunshine Saddle she pointed out the cheat grass — an invasive species that she works on. Studying disturbed ecosystems, and how to assemble new approximations of the originals from the parts at hand. You can’t get rid of the invasives, but maybe you can influence which ones thrive. Just beyond the divide above us, the mountains covered with red trees, a forest being transformed in a lifetime. 500 years from now will they be the Aspen mountains? Tim applied for a job at the Nature Conservancy as a landscape ecologist in a similar vein — understanding and managing wild and semi-wild lands for their own sake. Like the Colorado river pulse. All this made me think of the ecopoesis that Kim Stanley Robinson portrayed in his Mars books, especially Green Mars. Humans as gardeners of the no longer quite wild. From here on out, it’s all gardening. Mandatory gardening. It’s just what kind of garden do we want? What will grow in this climate?
Facing the Risk in Fossil Fueled Electricity
I recently wrote about how our risk tolerance/aversion powerfully affects our estimation of the social cost of carbon, but obviously that’s not the only place that risk shows up in our energy systems. Fossil fuel based electricity is also exposed to a much more prosaic kind of risk: the possibility that fuel prices will increase over time.
Building a new coal or gas plant is a wager that fuel will continue to be available at a reasonable price over the lifetime of the plant, a lifetime measured in decades. Unfortunately, nobody has a particularly good record with long term energy system predictions so this is a fairly risky bet, unless you can get somebody to sign a long term fuel contract with a known price. That doesn’t really get rid of the risk, it just shifts it onto your fuel supplier. They take on the risk that they won’t make as much money as they could have, if they’d been able to sell the fuel at (higher) market rates. If the consumer is worried about rising prices, and the producer is worried about falling prices, then sometimes this can be a mutually beneficial arrangement. This is called “hedging”.
Continue reading Facing the Risk in Fossil Fueled Electricity
Geology and Markets, not EPA, Waging War on Coal
With the release of the Environmental Protection Agency’s proposed rules limiting carbon pollution from the nation’s electricity sector, you’ve no doubt been hearing a lot of industry outrage about “Obama’s War on Coal.”
Don’t believe it.
Despite the passionate rhetoric from both sides of the climate divide, the proposed rules are very moderate — almost remedial. The rules grade the states on a curve, giving each a tailored emissions target meant to be attainable without undue hardship. For states that have already taken action to curb greenhouse gasses, and have more reductions in the works, they will be easy to meet. California, Oregon, Washington, and Colorado, are all several steps ahead of the proposed federal requirements — former Colorado Governor Bill Ritter told Colorado Public Radio that he expects the state to meet the proposed federal emissions target for 2030 in 2020, a decade ahead of schedule. This isn’t to say that Colorado has particularly clean power — our state has the 10th most carbon intensive electricity in the country, with about 63% of it coming from coal — but we’ve at least started the work of transitioning.
Furthermore, many heavily coal dependent states that have so far chosen to ignore the imperatives of climate change (e.g. Wyoming, West Virginia, Kentucky) must only attain single-digit percentage reductions, and would be permitted to remain largely coal dependent all the way up to 2030. Roger Pielke Jr. and others have pointed out that in isolation, the new rules would be expected to reduce the amount of coal we burn by only about 15%, relative to 2012 by 2020. By 2030, we might see an 18% reduction in coal use compared to 2012. Especially when you compare these numbers to the 25% reduction in coal use that took place between 2005 and 2012, and the far more aggressive climate goals that even Republicans were advocating for just two presidential elections ago, it becomes hard to paint the regulations as extreme. Instead, they look more like a binding codification of plans that already exist on the ground, and a gentle kick in the pants for regulatory laggards to get on board with at least a very basic level of emissions mitigation.
So, in isolation, there’s a limited amount to get either excited or angry about here. Thankfully, the EPA’s rules will not be operating in isolation!
Continue reading Geology and Markets, not EPA, Waging War on Coal
The Myth of Price
Our society’s prevailing economic zeitgeist assumes that everything has a price, and that both costs and prices can be objectively calculated, or at least agreed upon by parties involved in the transaction. There are some big problems with this proposition.
Externalized costs are involuntary transactions — those on the receiving end of the externalities have not agreed to the deal. Putting a price on carbon can theoretically remedy this failure in the context of climate change. In practice it’s much more complicated, because our energy markets are not particularly efficient (as we pointed out in our Colorado carbon fee proposal, and as the ACEEE has documented well), and because there are many subsidies (some explicit, others structural) that confound the integration of externalized costs into our energy prices.
The global pricing of energy and climate externalities is obviously a huge challenge that we need to address, and despite our ongoing failure to reduce emissions, there’s been a pretty robust discussion about externalities. As our understanding of climate change and its potentially catastrophic economic consequences have matured, our estimates of these costs have been revised, usually upwards. We acknowledge the fact that these costs exist, even if we’re politically unwilling to do much about them.
Unfortunately — and surprisingly to most people — it turns out that understanding how the climate is going to change and what the economic impacts of those changes will be is not enough information to calculate the social cost of carbon.
Continue reading The Myth of PriceAlone in the Wilderness
I’ve been thinking a lot about risk tolerance and discount rates lately, and how they profoundly shape our perception of the economic costs associated with minimizing climate change. Basically… if you’re willing to vary your preference for the present over the future or the level of uncertainty you’re willing to accept, then you can make mitigation cost whatever you want. All else being equal, low discount rates and low risk tolerance make taking action cheap, while high discount rates and high risk tolerance make it expensive.
Unfortunately, we live in a society with high discount rates and high risk tolerance. Or at least, that’s what you’d infer from our collective behavior. It’s also what you’d gather from a lot of the rhetoric around climate action, and our obsession with trying to make it “economically efficient”, to the point of maybe not doing it at all. Our risk tolerances and discount rates aren’t really objectively measurable. They are fluid, and context sensitive. The same person in different situations will not behave consistently. Different people in the same situation may come to different conclusions. How we deal with uncertainty and the value of the future is a personal as well as cultural decision.
For some reason, I find myself with a low pure time preference, and an aversion to many kinds of risk. This is part of why I find our unwillingness to act on climate infuriating, and why I’m working on climate policy. I got to wondering, how did I end up this way? Why isn’t it more common?
Coal Geology vs. Coal Economics & Politics
The geology part of classifying coal as reserves is a lot of work, but it’s doable — with enough drilling logs and other data, you can determine where the coal is, how much of it there is, and its general quality. Once you’ve got that concrete geologic understanding, it’s unlikely to change drastically — it might be refined modestly over time, maybe increasing as mining technology improves… but if you’ve done the work well, you’re probably not going to suddenly discover that 90% or 99% of the coal you thought was there actually isn’t.
The economic part part of classifying coal as reserves is fundamentally different, and more changeable with time, because market conditions change much more quickly than geology! I think the experiences of the UK and Germany are particularly interesting, because they were both early large coal producers, part of the first wave of fossil fueled industrialization. They’re extremely mature hard coal mining provinces that have fallen off their peak production dramatically — they’re ahead of the curve that most of the rest of the world is still on.
The drastic downward revisions that both the UK and Germany made were due to changes in economic policies and domestic politics — not geology. Both nations historically had strong labor interests tied to coal mining, and the desire (like most nations) to maintain an indigenous energy supply. But as the cost of supporting the industry grew and its productivity fell, the political logic of maintaining the illusion of a viable coal-based energy system faded away. In Germany, it seems likely that popular support for the nation’s ambitious Energy Transition made it easier for the nation to face up to geologic reality. In the UK the politics seem to have been influenced by the Thatcher government’s desire to privatize previously nationalized industries like coal mining, as well as the discovery of massive offshore natural gas reserves in the North Sea. In both cases the “proven reserve” numbers appear to have vastly overstated to begin with, but the political desire to support the industry and maintain the illusion of long-term energy independence was a powerful incentive to ignore the geologic reality.
However, in the end, geology wins.
Where are we headed?
The EIA’s admission that we have not, as a nation, officially and transparently evaluated the economics of extracting our vast coal resources opens the topic up for discussion. The economic and political forces at work today in the US may be different than they were in 1980s Britain, or early 2000s Germany, but they’re pushing in the same direction. A powerful incumbent coal industry is weakening both financially and politically — because of their own increasing production costs, low natural gas prices, flat electricity demand, plummeting renewable energy costs, and concerns about both traditional pollution and greenhouse gas emissions. This gives us the opportunity to re-evaluate our policies around them. What should we change?
We might start with ending the practice of soft pricing in uncompetitive BLM coal lease auctions, as laid out by the Government Accountability Office in February. However, by far our largest subsidy to the industry is our acceptance of the externalized costs they impose on us. A 2011 Harvard study (on which CEA co-founder Leslie Glustrom was a co-author) estimated these costs to be roughly $345 billion/year in the US — equivalent to adding $0.18/kWh of coal fired electricity (explore the study graphically, or see the full peer-reviewed paper).
Even if we ignored traditional environmental impacts and public health consequences, and just applied the modest $37/ton social cost of CO2 calculated by the US Office of Management and Budget, that would add roughly $60 to the cost of a ton of coal! With current PRB production costs in the neighborhood of $10/ton, and operating margins often less than $1/ton ($0.28/ton in the case of Arch last year), this — or even a smaller carbon price — would likely be a crushing blow to the fuel.
Given the current state of the industry, even without these “drastic” policy changes it’s possible that we are headed for our own major downward reserves revision. This isn’t “running out of coal”. Britain and Germany both still have enormous amounts of coal — it’s just not worth digging much of it out of the ground, given the available alternatives. It’s time to figure out whether we’re in the same boat, admit it to ourselves and the world if we are, and move on to the task of building real solutions.
Two Possibilities, One Course of Action
There’s an irony in all this, which is that regardless of whether we’re running short on economically recoverable coal, we need to expunge the fuel from our energy systems as quickly as possible in order to avoid catastrophic climate change. If the global reserves numbers reported by the WEC are accurate, then we need to leave 60-80% of those reserves in the ground. This was highlighted most famously by Bill McKibben in Rolling Stone in 2012, and implies that a huge fraction of the world’s fossil fuel assets are in fact worthless, unburnable carbon, and most of the world’s coal companies and unconventional hydrocarbon extraction projects are destined for bankruptcy. On the other hand, if the reserve numbers need to be revised downward because most of the listed coal isn’t economically extractable, then a lot of the coal industry’s supposedly bankable assets are worthless and the industry’s growth potential is seriously constrained.
In either case, the right thing to do is stop planning as if today’s coal plants are going to continue operating for much longer, figure out a way to take them offline, and replace them with cost-effective, low risk, zero-carbon generation resources and energy efficiency.
- US EIA on the Economics of Coal: No Comment
- A Long Time Coming: Revising US Coal Reserves
- In Good Company: A Brief History of Global Coal Reserve Revisions
- Coal Geology vs. Coal Economics & Politics
In Good Company: A Look at Global Coal Reserve Revisions
In my last post, I recounted some of the indications that have surfaced over the last decade that US coal reserves might not be as large as we think. The work done by the USGS assessing our reserves, and more recently comments from the coal industry themselves cast doubt on the common refrain that the US is “the Saudi Arabia of coal” and the idea that we have a couple of centuries worth of the fuel just laying around, waiting to be burned. As it turns out, the US isn’t alone in having potentially unreliable reserve numbers. Over the decades, many other major coal producing nations have also dramatically revised their reserve estimates.
Internationally the main reserve compilations are done by the UN’s World Energy Council (WEC) and to some degree also the German equivalent of the USGS, known as the BGR. Virtually all global (publicly viewable) statistics on fossil fuel reserves are traceable back to one of those two agencies. For instance, the coal reserve numbers in the International Energy Agency’s (IEA’s) 2011 World Energy Outlook came from the BGR; the numbers in BP’s most recent Statistical Review of Energy came from the WEC.
Of course, both the WEC and the BGR are largely dependent on numbers reported by national agencies (like the USGS, the EIA and the SEC in the case of the US), who compile data directly from state and regional geologic survey and mining agencies, fossil fuel consumers, producers, and the markets that they make up.
Looking back through the years at internationally reported coal reserve numbers, it’s surprisingly common to see big discontinuous revisions. Below are a few examples from the WEC Resource Surveys going back to 1950, including some of the world’s largest supposed coal reserve holders. In all cases, the magnitude of the large reserve revisions is much greater than annual coal production can explain.
Continue reading In Good Company: A Look at Global Coal Reserve Revisions
A Long Time Coming: Revising US Coal Reserves
In my previous post I highlighted the recent, quiet admission by the US EIA (in a fine-print footnote to Table 15 of their 2012 Annual Coal Report) that they do not know what fraction of our nation’s large store of coal resources might be economically accessible, and thus potentially classified as reserves.
CEA has long highlighted indications that a revision like this might be in the works, including in our most recent round of coal reports issued last fall (see: Warning: Faulty Reporting of US Coal Reserves). But we’re not the only ones. Plenty of other people have pointed out the same thing over the years. Including…
Continue reading A Long Time Coming: Revising US Coal Reserves
US EIA on the Economics of Coal: No Comment
At the end of 2013, the US Energy Information Administration (EIA) acknowledged that it does not know whether the vast majority of US coal can be mined profitably. If coal mining isn’t profitable, then barring some grand socialist enterprise the black stuff is probably going to stay in the ground where it belongs.
You might think this kind of revision would have warranted a press release, but the EIA’s change of heart was buried in a fine-print footnote to Table 15 of their 2012 Annual Coal Report, which tallies up all the coal resources and reserves in the US, state by state. The new footnote says:
EIA’s estimated recoverable reserves include the coal in the demonstrated reserve base considered recoverable after excluding coal estimated to be unavailable due to land use restrictions, and after applying assumed mining recovery rates. This estimate does not include any specific economic feasibility criteria. [emphasis added]
This stands in contrast to the footnotes for the same table in their 2011 Annual Coal Report, and many prior years:
EIA’s estimated recoverable reserves include the coal in the demonstrated reserve base considered recoverable after excluding coal estimated to be unavailable due to land use restrictions or currently economically unattractive for mining, and after applying assumed mining recovery rates. [emphasis added]
Continue reading US EIA on the Economics of Coal: No Comment
Protected Multimodal Intersections
A great video introduction to protected multimodal intersection design, from Nick Falbo at Alta Planning, via People for Bikes and their Green Lane Project:
The design is based on long-standing Dutch standards, and actually embodies the prioritization of modes that Boulder’s TMP lays out (but which our physical infrastructure often fails to implement). These are intersections that just about anyone can walk or ride or drive through safely and with minimal stress. They’re not standard in the US. Yet. Let’s change that!